Artificial Paranoia: A Computer Simulation of Paranoid Processes 人工偏执：偏执过程的计算机模拟 CHAPTER 1 The Paranoid Mode 第1章 偏执模式 THE CONCEPT OF PARANOIA 偏执的概念 Like ourselves, the ancient Greeks called one another paranoid. The term "paranoia" (Gr: para = beside; nous = mind) referred to states of craziness and mental deterioration. For roughly the next two thousand years the term disappeared from classifications of mental disorders. Historians have not seemed curious about what persons with persecutory delusions were called all that time. (It is doubtful that there were not any such persons.) In the 18th century the term reappears in German classifications to refer to delusional states categorized as disorders of intellect rather than emotion (Lewis, 1970). 和我们一样，古希腊人也称彼此为偏执狂。术语“偏执狂”(希腊语: para =在…旁边;nous=心智)指疯狂和心智退化的状态。大约在接下来的两千年里，这个词从精神疾病的分类中消失了。历史学家似乎对怎么称呼那些具有被迫害妄想的人不感兴趣。(不可能没有这样的人。)18世纪，这个词在德语分类中再次出现，指的是被归类为智力障碍而非情感障碍的妄想状态(Lewis, 1970)。 Little agreement about the meaning of the term "paranoia" was reached until this half of the present century, when it achieved a solid adjectival status, as in "paranoid personality" and "paranoid state." At present the category "paranoid" has high reliability (85-95% interjudge agreement). The term is generally used to refer to the presence of persecutory delusions. To distinguish: somatic, erotic, grandeur, and jealousy delusions are simply identified as such without characterizing them as paranoid. 直到本世纪下半叶，人们才对“偏执”一词的含义达成一致，并将其用作形容词，如“偏执人格”和“偏执状态”。目前，“偏执”类具有较高的信度(85-95%的法官间一致性)。这个术语通常用来指存在被迫害妄想。区分:躯体妄想、情色妄想、宏伟妄想和嫉妒妄想被简单地定义为这些，而不被描述为偏执。[本文较老，是1975年的。但对于妄想的这些分类，跟DSM-5妄想障碍下的各种子类型是一一对应的。] To introduce what being paranoid is like, let us first consider two modes of human activity, one termed "ordinary" and the other termed "paranoid." 要介绍偏执是什么样子，让我们首先考虑两种人类活动模式，一种被称为“普通”，另一种被称为“偏执”。 In the ordinary mode of human action a person goes about his business of everyday living in a matter-of-fact way. He deals with recurrent and routine situations in his environment as they arise, taking things at their face value. Events proceed in accordance with his beliefs and expectations and thus can be managed routinely. Only a small amount of attention need be devoted to monitoring the environment, simply checking that everything is as expected. This placid ongoing flow of events can be interrupted by the detection of signs of alarm or opportunity at any time. But the predominant condition is one of a steady progression of events so ordinary as to be uneventful. 在人类行为的一般模式中，一个人以实事求是的方式处理他的日常生活事务。他处理环境中反复出现的常规情况，从事物的表面价值来看待它们。事件按照他的信念和期望进行，因此可以按常规进行管理。只需将少量的注意力用于监视环境，只需检查一切是否如预期的那样。任何时候，只要发现警报或机会的迹象，就可以中断这种平静的事件流。但最主要的情况是，事态的发展是平稳的，平淡无奇。 In contrast to this routine ordinariness is the arousal state of emergency termed the "paranoid mode," characterized by a continuous wary suspiciousness. To appreciate the nature and problems of this state, imagine the situation of a spy in a hostile country. To him, everyone he meets is a potential enemy, a threat to existence who must be evaluated for malevolence. To survive, he must be hypervigilant and fully mobilized to attack, to flee, to stalk. In this situation appearances are not to be taken at face value as ordinary events or routine background but each must be attended to and interpreted in order to detect malevolence. Events in the environment, which in the ordinary mode would not be connected to the self, become referred to the self and interpreted as potentially menacing. The unintended effects of other persons may be misinterpreted as intended and the undesigned tends to become confused with the designed. Nothing can be allowed to be unattendable. The dominant intention of the agent is to detect malevolence from others. 与这种日常的正常状态相反，紧急情况下的觉醒状态被称为“偏执模式”，其特征是持续警惕的怀疑。要了解这种状态的性质和问题，想象一下一个间谍在敌对国家的情况。对他来说，他遇到的每一个人都是潜在的敌人，是对生存的威胁，必须对他们的恶意进行评估。为了生存，他必须高度警惕，并充分动员起来攻击、逃跑和跟踪。在这种情况下，表象不是按照表面上的样子被解释为普通事件或例行背景，而是每个都必须被关注和被解释，以便发现恶意。那些在通常的模式下不会与自己相关联的环境中的事件，现在被认为都与自己相关，并被解释为潜在的威胁。他人的无意之举可能会被误解为有意为之的，无意之举被与故意为之相混淆。任何东西都不能被忽视。这个特工[指这个身处敌国的间谍]的主要意图是检测来自他人的恶意。 When dividing the world of experience into conceptual classes, we sort and group together objects and events according to common properties. The members of a class resemble one another in sharing certain properties. The resemblances are neither exact nor total; members of a conceptual class are considered more or less alike and there exist degrees of resemblance. Further, humans are neither subjective nor objective; they are projective. In forming classifications, they project their intentions onto the world. Thus the world of experience consists both of our interactive relations and the objects to which we relate depending on our interests. 当将经验世界划分为概念类时，我们根据共同的属性对对象和事件进行排序和分组。同一个类的成员因共享某些属性而彼此相似。相似之处既不精确也不完全;概念类的成员或多或少被认为是相似的，并且存在相似的程度。此外，人既不是主观的，也不是客观的;他们是投射的。在形成分类时，他们把自己的意图投射到世界上。因此，经验的世界既包括我们的互动关系，也包括我们根据我们的兴趣所联系的对象。 Observations and classifications made by clinicians regarding naturallyoccurring paranoid disorders have been thoroughly described in the psychiatric literature. Extensive accounts can be found in Swanson, Bohnert, and Smith (1970) and in Cameron (1967). I shall attempt to give a condensed description of paranoid phenomena as they appear in, or are described by, patients in a psychiatric interview. It is many of these phenomena which the proposed simulation model attempts to explain. 临床医生对自然发生的偏执型障碍所做的观察和分类已经在精神病学文献中得到了全面的描述。在Swanson, Bohnert, and Smith(1970)和Cameron(1967)中都有大量的论述。我将尝试在精神病学访谈中对偏执现象的出现或患者所描述的现象进行简明扼要的描述。所提出的仿真模型试图解释这些现象中的许多现象。 CHARACTERISTICS OF CLINICAL PARANOIA 临床上偏执的特点 The main phenomena of paranoid disorders can be summarized under concepts of suspiciousness, self-reference, hypersensitivity, fearfulness, hostility, and rigidity. These class-concepts represent common empirical indicators of the paranoid mode. 偏执型障碍的主要现象可以概括为怀疑、自我援引、超级敏感、恐惧、敌对和僵硬等概念。这些类概念代表了偏执模式的共同经验指标。 Suspiciousness 多疑 The chief characteristic of clinical paranoid disorders consists of suspiciousness—a mistrust of others based on the patient's malevolence beliefs. The patient believes others, known and unknown, have evil intentions toward him. In his relationships he is continuously on the look-out for signs of malevolence, some of which he infers from the results of his own probings. He is hypervigilant; people must be watched, their schemes unmasked and foiled. He is convinced others try to humiliate, harass, subjugate, injure, and even kill him. In an interview he may report such beliefs directly or, if he is well guarded, he offers only hints. He does not confide easily. Disclosure may depend upon how the interviewer responds in the dialogue to the patient's reports of fluctuating suspicions and/or absolute convictions. 临床偏执障碍的主要特征包括怀疑——基于病人的恶意信念而不信任他人。病人相信其他人，不管是已知的还是未知的，都对他怀有恶意。在他的人际关系中，他一直在寻找恶意的迹象，其中一些是他从自己的试探中推断出来的。他是高度警惕;他人必须被监视，揭露和挫败他们的阴谋。他确信其他人试图羞辱、骚扰、征服、伤害甚至杀死他。在采访中，他可能会直接报告这些观点，或者，如果他很谨慎，他只会提供一些暗示。他不易吐露秘密。信息的披露可能取决于采访者如何应对在对话中病人反复无常的怀疑和/或绝对信念。 He is greatly concerned with "evidence." No room is allowed for mistakes, ambiguities, or chance happenings. ("Paranoids have a greater passion for the truth than other madmen."—Saul Bellow in Sammler's Planet.) Using trivial evidential details, his inferences leap from the undeniable to the unbelievable. 他非常关注“证据”。不允许有任何错误、歧义或偶然事件发生。(“偏执比其他疯子更热衷于真相。”——索尔·贝娄《赛姆勒的星球》利用琐碎的证据细节，他的推论从不可否认的跳跃到难以置信的。 The patient may vary in his own estimate of the strength of his malevolence beliefs. If they consist of weakly held suspicions, he may have moments of reasoning with himself in which he tries to reject them as ill-founded. But when the beliefs represent absolute convictions, he does not struggle to dismiss them. They become preconditions for countering actions against tormentors who wish and try to do him evil. He seeks affirmation of his beliefs. ("It is certain that my conviction increases the moment another soul will believe in it."—Joseph Conrad in Lord Jim.) He wants sympathy and allies in positions of power such as clinicians or lawyers who can help him take action against his oppressors. 病人可能对自己的恶意信念的强度有不同的估计。如果这些怀疑是由他持有的微弱的怀疑组成的，他可能会有一些时间对自己进行推理，在这些时间里，他试图拒绝这些怀疑，因为无确实根据。但当这些信念代表着绝对的信念时，他并不会努力去否定它们。它们成为反击那些想要并试图伤害他的施虐者的行动的先决条件。他寻求对自己信仰的肯定。(“毫无疑问，当另一个灵魂相信我的信念时，我的信念就会增强。”——约瑟夫·康拉德《吉姆勋爵》)他想要获得同情，以及有权力的盟友，比如临床医生或律师，他们可以帮助他对压迫者采取行动。 The malevolence beliefs may involve a specific other person or a conspiracy of others such as the Mafia, the FBI, Communists, Hell's Angels. The patient sees himself as a victim, one who suffers at the hands of others, rather than as an agent who brings the suffering on himself. Other agents subject him to, and make him the object of, their evil intentions. He dwells on and rehearses these outrages in his imagination. He schemes to defeat or escape his adversaries. The misdeeds of others are denounced, disparaged, condemned, and belittled. He feels interfered with and discriminated against. 恶意信仰可能涉及一个特定的人或其他人的阴谋，如黑手党，联邦调查局，共产主义者，地狱天使。病人把自己看作是受害者，一个在他人手中受苦的人，而不是一个把痛苦强加于自己的人。其他人使他服从他们的邪恶意图，并使他成为他们邪恶意图的目标。他长期思考，并在自己的想象中排练这些暴行。他计划击败或逃脱他的敌人。别人的恶行被谴责、蔑视、谴责和轻视。他感到受到干涉和歧视。 The specific content of the beliefs may not be directly expressed in a first interview. The patient may be so mistrustful of how their disclosure might be used against him that he cautiously feels his way through an interview offering only hints that an interviewer can use to infer the presence of persecutory delusions. 信仰的具体内容可能不会在第一次访谈中直接表达出来。病人可能非常不信任，怕他们的披露会被用来对付他，所以他在会谈中小心翼翼地摸索着，只提供咨询师可以用来推断是否存在迫害妄想的线索。 Using his own credibility judgments, the interviewer attempts to determine whether the patient's malevolence beliefs are delusions (false beliefs) or not. Experienced clinicians realize that some malevolence beliefs can turn out to be true. Others may represent correct estimations on the part of the patient who, however, fails to see that the malevolence of others is a secondary consequence of his tendency to accuse and provoke others to the point where they in fact become hostile toward him. 利用他自己的可信度判断，咨询师试图确定病人的恶意信念是否是错觉(错误的信念)。经验丰富的临床医生意识到，一些恶意信念可能是真的。另一些人可能代表了对病人立场上的正确估计，然而，病人却没有意识到，他人的恶意其实是他指责和激怒他人这个习惯的次生后果，别人其实是变得开始对他怀有敌意。 Self-Reference and Hypersensitivity 自我援引[自我援引是指认为与己无关的事情与己有关]与超级敏感 The patient may believe many events in the world pertain directly to him. Other observers of his situation find his conviction hard to accept. For example, he may be convinced that newspaper headlines refer to him personally or that the statements of radio announcers contain special messages for him. Hypervigilant and hypersensitive, he reads himself into situations that are not actually intended to pertain to him and his particular concerns. 患者可能认为世界上许多事情都与他直接有关。(对其处境的)别的观察者发现他的信念难以接受。例如，他可能相信报纸的标题是针对他个人的，或者电台播音员的声明中包含对他的特殊信息。他高度警惕，高度敏感，他把实际上与自己并没有什么关系的事情看作跟自己相关。 References to the self are misconstrued as slurs, snubs, slights, or unfair judgments. He may feel he is being watched and stared at. He is excessively concerned about his visibility to eyes that threaten to see concealed inadequacies, expose and censure them. Cameras, telescopes, etc. that may be directed his way unnerve him. He may feel mysteriously influenced through electricity, radio waves, or (more contemporaneously) by emanations from computers. He is hypersensitive to criticism. In crowds he believes he is intentionally bumped. Driving on the highway he feels repeatedly followed too closely by the car behind. Badgered and bombarded without relief by this stream of wrongs, he becomes hyperirritable, querulous, and quarrelsome. 提及自我会被误解为诋毁、怠慢、轻视或不公平的判断。他可能觉得自己被人注视着。他过分担心自己在别人眼里的可看性，因为别人的眼睛有可能发现隐藏的不足之处，并揭露和指责这些不足之处。照相机、望远镜等可能指向他的东西，会使他焦躁。他可能会感到神秘地受到电、无线电波的影响，或者(更现代的)来自电脑的辐射。他对批评非常敏感。在人群中，他认为自己是被故意冲撞的。在高速公路上开车时，他总觉得后面那辆车跟得太近。一连串的冤屈纠缠不休，使他得不到解脱，他变得暴躁易怒，爱发牢骚，爱争吵。 He is touchy about certain topics, flaring up when references to particular conceptual domains appear in the conversation. For example, any remarks about his age, religion, family, or sex life may set him off. Even when these domains are touched upon without reference to him, e.g., religion in general, he may take it personally. When a delusional complex is present, linguistic terms far removed from, but still conceptually connectable to, the complex stir him up. Thus, to a man holding beliefs that the Mafia intend to harm him, any remark about Italy might lead him to react in a suspicious or fearful manner. 他对某些话题很敏感，当谈话中出现涉及特定概念领域时，他就会勃然大怒。例如，任何关于他的年龄、宗教、家庭或性生活的评论都可能引起他的反感。即使这些领域与他无关，比如宗教，他也可能把它看成是针对他个人的。当一种妄想症情结出现时，语言术语远离了这种情结，但在概念上仍然可以与之连接，这种情结会让他兴奋。因此，对于一个相信黑手党会伤害他的人来说，任何关于意大利的言论都可能使他做出怀疑或恐惧的反应。 Fearfulness and Hostility 恐惧和敌意 The major affects expressed, both verbally and nonverbally, are those of fear, anger, and mistrust. The patient fears that others wish to subjugate and control him. He may be fearful of physical attack and injury even to the point of death. His fear is justified in his mind by the many threats he detects in the conduct of others toward him. He is hostile to what are interpreted as insinuations or demeaning allusions. His chronic irritability becomes punctuated with outbursts of raging tirades and diatribes. When he feels he is being overwhelmed, he may erupt and in desperation physically attack others. (语言和非语言)表达出来的主要情绪反应是恐惧、愤怒和不信任。病人害怕别人想要征服和控制他。他可能会害怕身体上的攻击和伤害，怕到要死的地步。他从别人对他的行为中察觉到许多威胁，因此他的恐惧是有道理的。他对那些被解释为影射或贬损的典故怀有敌意。他长期以来的易怒情绪不时被愤怒的长篇大论和谩骂打断。当他感到正在被压倒，他可能会爆发，在绝望中攻击别人。 The affects of fear, anger, and mistrust he experiences blend with one another in varying proportions to yield an unpleasant negative affect-state made continuous by fantasied rehearsals and retellings of past wrongs. Depending on his interpretation of inputs, the patient may move away from others and become guarded, secretive, and evasive; or he may suddenly jump at others with sarcastic accusations and arguments. His negative affect-states become locked into self-perpetuating cycles with other people in his life space who may take censuring action toward him because of his uncommunicativeness or outbursts. 他所经历的恐惧、愤怒和不信任的情绪反应以不同的比例混合在一起，产生了一种令人不快的负面情感状态——通过幻想的排练和对过去错误的重述，这种负面情感持续不断。根据他对输入的解释，患者可能会离开其他人，变得谨慎、神秘和逃避;或者他会突然跳起来用讽刺的指责和争论来攻击别人。他的消极情感状态被锁定在与他生活空间中的其他人的自我延续的循环中，这些人可能会因为他的不和蔼或情绪爆发而对他采取谴责行动[恶性循环]。 Rigidity 刚性[可以理解为倔强、固执、宁折不弯] Another salient characteristic of the paranoid mode is excessive rigidity. The patient's beliefs in his sensitive areas remain fixed, difficult to influence by evidence or persuasion. The patient himself makes few attempts to falsify his convictions. To change a belief is to admit being wrong. To forgive others also opens a crack in the wall of righteousness. He does not apologize nor accept apology. He stubbornly follows rules to the letter and his literal interpretations of an organization's regulations can drive others wild. It is this insistent posture of rigidity and inflexibility that makes the treatment of paranoid processes by symbolic-semantic methods so difficult. The patient clings to his overvalued convictions in spite of all the "rational" counter-evidence offered. 偏执模式的另一个显著特征是过于死板。患者在其敏感区域的信念保持不变，难以通过证据或说服来影响。病人本人很少试图证伪自己的信念。改变信念就是承认错误。宽恕他人也会在正义之墙上打开一道裂缝。他既不道歉也不接受道歉。他严格遵守规章制度，他对组织规章制度的字面解释会让其他人抓狂。正是这种坚持的死板和不灵活态度，使得用符号-语意的方法来处理偏执的过程变得如此困难[符号-语意与作者采用的人工智能方法有关，可理解为一种计算机技术]。尽管提供了所有“理性”的相反证据，但病人仍坚持自己被高估的信念。 Other Descriptions of Naturally-Occurring Paranoias 对自然发生的偏执的其他描述 Historians, biographers, playwrights, novelists, and journalists have contributed naturalistic descriptions of the paranoid mode. Hofstader, a political historian, observed in an essay on the paranoid style in American politics (Hofstader, 1965): 历史学家、传记作家、剧作家、小说家和记者都对偏执模式进行了自然主义的描述。政治历史学家Hofstader在一篇关于美国政治偏执风格的文章中指出(Hofstader, 1965): It is, above all, a way of seeing the world and of expressing oneself... the feeling of persecution is central and is indeed systematized in grandiose theories of conspiracy ... While any system of beliefs can be expressed in the paranoid style, there are certain beliefs which seem to be espoused almost entirely this way. 首先，它是一种看世界和表达自己的方式。被迫害的感觉是核心，而且确实在宏大的阴谋论中系统化了……虽然任何一种信仰体系都可以用偏执的风格来表达，但有些信仰似乎完全是这样表达的。 These beliefs commonly refer to vast invisible conspiratorial networks. 这些信念通常指的是巨大的看不见的阴谋网络。 But there is a vital difference between the paranoid spokesman in politics and the clinical paranoiac; although they both tend to be overheated, overaggressive, grandiose, and apocalyptic in expression, the clinical paranoid sees the hostile and conspiratorial world in which he feels himself to be living as directed specifically AGAINST HIM; whereas the spokesman of the paranoid stylefindsit directed against a nation, a culture, a way of life whose fate affects not himself alone but millions of others. 但在政治上偏执的发言人与临床偏执之间有一个至关重要的区别;虽然他们都倾向于在表达上过于激烈，过于激进，浮夸，和启示录式的，临床偏执看到的是充满敌意和阴谋的世界，在这个世界里，他觉得自己的生活是专门针对他的;而偏执风格的代言人则直指一个国家、一种文化、一种生活方式，而这种生活方式的命运不仅影响着他自己，还影响着数百万人。 Clear examples are the beliefs of anti-fluoridationists and extreme rightwing beliefs about a sustained, sinister, gigantic, and subtle Communist conspiracy that must be defeated, not by the usual politics, but by an all-out crusade that is forever faced with time running out. 反氟主义者[上世纪40年代到60年代美国社会的一种思潮和运动]的信念和极右翼人士的信念就是明显的例子，他们认为，必须通过一场永远面临时间耗尽的全面讨伐，而不是通常的政治手段，来击败一场持续的、阴险的、巨大的、微妙的共产主义阴谋。 The enemy is clearly delineated: he is a perfect model of malice, a kind of amoral superman: sinister, ubiquitous, powerful, cruel, sensual, luxury-loving. 敌人被清晰地描绘出来:他是一个完美的恶意模型，一种不道德的超人:阴险、无处不在、强大、残忍、肉欲、爱奢侈。 As have other chroniclers of the paranoid mode, Hofstader noted the paranoid paradox of imitating the enemy. The Ku Klux Klan imitates Catholicism's priestly vestments and elaborate rituals. The John Birch Society emulates Communist cells and front-groups. Anti-intellectual paranoid critics and investigators present their "evidence" in overwhelming detail, a caricature of pedantry and scholarship. 和其他偏执模式的编年史家一样，霍夫斯塔德指出了模仿敌人的偏执悖论。三K党模仿天主教的教士服和精致的仪式。约翰·伯奇学会模仿共产主义组织和前线团体。反知识分子偏执的批评家和调查人员以压倒性的细节呈现他们的“证据”，这是迂腐和学术的讽刺。 The very character of its conclusions leads to heroic strivings for "evidence" to prove that the unbelievable is the only thing that can be believed ... the paranoid mentality is far more coherent than the real world since it leaves no room for mistakes, failures, or ambiguities... (the paranoid) has no sense of how things do not happen. 其结论的特点导致了英勇般寻求“证据”的努力，以证明难以置信的是唯一可以相信的东西…偏执心态比现实世界要连贯得多，因为它不会给错误、失败或模棱两可留下空间……(偏执者)知道事情必定发生。 Biographers of Corvo provide us with fascinating accounts of a paranoid personality. Corvo, whose real name was Frederick William Rolfe (1860-1913), was an Englishman who styled himself as "Baron Corvo" and signed himself as "Fr." hoping it would be misread as "Father." At twenty-six he converted to Catholicism and attempted to become a priest. He was expelled from Scots College at Rome as being unsuitable for the priesthood. Beginning as a dabbler and painter, he developed himself into a minor writer little recognized while he was alive. He has now become something of a curiosity in the English literary world. Pamela Hansford Johnson wrote a novel about him (The Unspeakable Skipton, 1959). The term "corvine" now has the additional sense of referring to Corvo's style. His best known work, a schoolboyish novel called Hadrian the Seventh, has been made into a popular play. Descriptions of Corvo by his friends, benefactors, and himself offer a museum of paranoid psychopathology. Corvo的传记作家为我们提供了偏执型人格的迷人描述。Corvo的真名是Frederick William Rolfe(1860-1913)，英国人，自称“Corvo男爵”，署名为“Fr”。26岁时，他皈依天主教，并试图成为一名牧师。他被罗马的苏格兰学院开除，理由是他不适合担任牧师。从一个业余爱好者和画家开始，他把自己发展成一个小作家，当他活着的时候，很少有人认识他。他现在成了英国文坛上的一个奇才。帕梅拉·汉斯福德·约翰逊(Pamela Hansford Johnson)写了一本关于他的小说(《难以言喻的斯吉普顿》(The Unspeakable Skipton, 1959))。“corvine”这个词现在有了额外的意思，指的是Corvo的风格。他最著名的作品，一部叫《哈德良七世》的学生小说，已经被改编成一部受欢迎的戏剧。他的朋友、赞助人和他自己对Corvo的描述提供了一个偏执的精神病理学博物馆。 He contrived afloridmedievalist writing style characterized by sinuous sentences affecting archaic, ecclesiastical, neologistic words at times so absurd as to be comical. A benefactor wrote: 他创造了一种中世纪的写作风格，其特点是曲折的句子影响着古老的、教会的、新词，有时荒谬可笑。一个捐助者写道: Rolfe had literally not another thing in the world to do but impress his so carefully cultivated personality on people and bully them into supporting him; his work was done only for the sake of his own self; the desire to make afigurein the world was always with him. (Dawkins, quoted by Weeks, 1972.) 实际上，Rolfe在这个世界上没有别的事情可做，只能把他精心培养的个性给人们留下深刻的印象，强迫他们支持他;他的工作只是为了他自己;在这个世界上创造奇迹的欲望一直伴随着他。(道金斯，在1972年被《威克斯周刊》(Weeks)引用。) Although he had never been to the university, Rolfe acquired an Oxford accent and scholarly manner. He pretended his family was important and hinted that the Kaiser was his godfather. He wore a heavy, self-designed silver ring with a spur to protect himself from kidnapping attempts by Jesuits. People described him as a poseur of colossal intellectual vanity who "saw himself doing picturesque things in a picturesque way" and who "contrived to give an air of queerness to ordinary actions" (Symons, 1955). 尽管Rolfe从未上过大学，但他的口音却带有牛津大学的腔调和学者的风度。他假装他的家庭很重要，并暗示皇帝是他的教父。他戴着一枚自己设计的沉甸甸的银戒指，上面有一根马刺，以防耶稣会信徒绑架他。人们将他描述为一个有着巨大的智力虚荣心的装腔作势者，他“看到自己以一种独特的方式做着独特的事情”，并且“设法给普通的行为赋予一种古怪的气息”(Symons, 1955)。 Rolfe said of himself: "I bathe in a row... A friend is necessary, one friend—but an enemy is more necessary. An enemy keeps one alert." He believed he had powerful enemies who conspired against him. In particular, Catholics were in league against him inspiring machinations and subtle plots. A close friend and co-author stated: Rolfe这样评价自己:“我一排一排地洗澡……朋友是必要的，只有一个朋友，但更需要一个敌人。敌人使人警惕。”他相信他有强大的敌人阴谋反对他。特别是，天主教徒联合起来反对他煽动阴谋和微妙的诡计。一位密友和合著者说: It is an absolute delusion that anyone keeps a watch on him or hinders him. Really, in Catholic eyes, he is practically non-existent. (Benson, quoted in Symons, 1955.) 有人监视他或妨碍他，这完全是一种错觉。真的，在天主教的眼里，他几乎不存在。(本森在1955年的《西蒙斯》[Symons]中引用)。 In his writings, Rolfe sought retribution against Catholics and others he harbored grudges against. The hero of Hadrian the Seventh, George Rose, obviously Rolfe himself in a wished-for personal Odyssey, is elevated from ordinary English citizen to Pope in one day! Throughout the book a cast of people from Rolfe's life are pilloried and gibetted. 在他的著作中，Rolfe对天主教徒和其他心怀怨恨的人寻求报复。哈德良七世的英雄乔治·罗斯，显然是Rolfe自己在一次渴望已久的个人冒险中，一天之内从普通英国公民升为教皇!在整本书中，罗尔夫生活中的一群人受到嘲笑和嘲笑。 I tell you what I am about to tell you, not because I have been provoked, abused, calumniated, traduced, assailed with insinuation, innuendo, misrepresentation, lies: not because my life has been held up to ridicule, and to most inferior contempt: not because the most preposterous stories to my detriment have been invented, hawked about, believed... Officially I must correct error. (Hadrian the Seventh.) 我告诉你我要告诉你,不是因为我被激起,虐待、受诬蔑,诋毁、攻击与暗示,含沙射影,欺诈、谎言:不是因为我的生活已经被嘲笑,和最劣质的蔑视:不是因为我损害中最荒谬的故事已经被发明,兜售,相信…我必须正式纠正错误。(哈德良第七)。 Always utterly right, he spewed out calligraphic letters of hate. To benefactors who had let him down his letters were acid, scathing, sneering, blasting, deriding, jarring, jeering, abusively venomous. He was a "jaundiced, bitter, persecuted pariah" with an "everlasting look of suspicion in his narrow but piercing eyes" (Weeks, 1972). If his books were not successful, it was due to the malignant spite of his foes or the perfidy of friends. 他总是完全正确的，吐出了充满仇恨的书法字母。对那些使他失望的恩人来说，他的信是尖刻的、尖刻的、讥讽的、猛烈的、嘲笑的、刺耳的、嘲弄的、恶毒的。他是一个“黄疸病，痛苦，受迫害的贱民”，“在他狭窄而锐利的眼睛里永远充满怀疑”(威克斯，1972)。如果他的书不成功，那是因为他的敌人的恶意怨恨或朋友的背信弃义。 When payments ceased, largely for the reason that the expected royalties did not accrue, Rolfe sought an explanation of the fact (which could not be denied) in some human agency; and soon found one. (Symons, 1955.) 当支付停止时，主要原因是预期的版税没有增加，罗尔夫要求对这一事实(这是不能否认的)在某些人的机构中作出解释;很快就找到了一个。(西蒙斯,1955)。 Rolfe was never a person to let matters rest unexplained. Their causes and effects had to be known. (Weeks, 1972.) 罗尔夫从来不是一个让事情得不到解释的人。必须知道它们的原因和后果。(周,1972)。 In his last few years this sponging, unscrupulous,flamboyant,eccentric personality, full of extravagant quirks and bizarre kinks, became a scandalous (homosexual) character about Venice. After a life of straining forflourish,he died abruptly and without panache of a heart attack before going to bed and was not found until the next afternoon. 在他生命的最后几年里，这个浪荡不羁、肆无忌惮、浮夸、古怪的人，充满了奢侈的怪癖和古怪的怪癖，成为了一个关于威尼斯的(同性恋)丑闻人物。经过一段艰苦卓绝的生活后，他在上床睡觉前猝死，没有心脏病发作的迹象，直到第二天下午才被发现。 Ernest Hemingway (1899-1961), a writer of greater stature than Rolfe, found himself gripped in a paranoid mode in his later years. Faced with waning powers, losses of property and friends, he became frightened, petulant, and suspicous. He believed he had a fatal disease. He burst out in long-smoldering grudges. His bewildered friends could not understand why they were considered part of a conspiracy to betray him. He felt Federal agents were pursuing him for cheating on his income tax and for impairing the morals of a minor. To his friend and associate, Hotchner, he erupted: 欧内斯特·海明威(1899-1961)，一位比Rolfe更有名望的作家，在他晚年发现自己陷入了一种偏执的模式。面对日渐衰弱的权力、财产和朋友的损失，他变得害怕、暴躁和满腹狐疑。他相信自己得了绝症。他爆发出郁积已久的怨恨。他那些不知所措的朋友们不明白为什么他们被认为是背叛他的阴谋的一部分。他觉得联邦探员正在追捕他，因为他在所得税上作弊，而且损害了未成年人的道德。对他的朋友兼同事霍奇纳，他爆发了: It's the worst hell. The goddamnedest hell. They've bugged everything. That's why we're using Duke's car. Mine's bugged. Everything's bugged. Can't use the phone. What put me on to it was that phone call with you. You remember we got disconnected? That tipped their hand. (Hotchner, 1966.) 这是最糟糕的地狱。这个该死的地狱。他们窃听了一切。这就是为什么我们用杜克的车。我的打扰。一切都感到头疼。不能用电话。使我陷入困境的是那个和你的电话。你还记得我们断网了吗?这让他们改变了主意。负责人(霍奇娜1966。) In a restaurant he believed two men at the bar were FBI agents. When told they were salesmen who came there regularly, Hemingway retorted: 在一家餐馆里，他认为酒吧里的两名男子是FBI特工。当被告知他们是经常来这里的推销员时，海明威反驳道: Of course they're salesmen. The FBI is noted for its clumsy disguises. What do you think they'd pose as—concert violinists? (Hotchner, 1966.) 他们当然是推销员。联邦调查局以其拙劣的伪装而闻名。你觉得他们会扮成音乐会的小提琴手吗?负责人(霍奇娜1966。) In his final days he even turned on Hotchner: 在他生命的最后几天，他甚至对霍奇纳说: You've been pumping me and getting the gen, but you're like Vernon Lord and all the rest, turning state's evidence, selling out to them. (Hotchner, 1966.) 你一直在给我打气和获取情报，但你就像弗农·洛德和其他人一样，把国家的证据出卖给他们。(霍奇娜1966。) Once in less tortured times, in answer to a question about death, Hemingway replied: "death is just another whore." Beset with accelerating anxieties and ineradicable convictions of betrayal, he solicited her first, firing a shotgun into his mouth. 曾经在不那么痛苦的年代，海明威在回答一个关于死亡的问题时回答说:“死亡只是另一个妓女。”他被不断加剧的焦虑和无法消除的背叛信念所困扰，他先恳求她，然后用猎枪向自己的嘴里射击。 A contemporary account of the paranoid mode is presented by Nagler in his biography of the prizefighter Joe Louis, former heavyweight champion of the world. (Nagler, 1972.) Since 1967 when he was fiftythree, Louis has believed that members of the Mafia are pursuing him, determined to destroy him by poison gas. Particularly at night, he suffers outbreaks of suspicion, anxiety, and rage. 纳格勒在他为职业拳击手、前世界重量级拳王乔·路易斯(Joe Louis)撰写的传记中，对偏执模式进行了当代描述。(纳格尔,1972)。自1967年53岁以来，路易斯一直相信黑手党成员在追捕他，决心用毒气将他消灭。特别是在晚上，他会爆发怀疑、焦虑和愤怒。 Whenever they stayed in a hotel with air-conditioning Louis would attempt to paste newspapers over the vents in his room. 只要他们住在有空调的旅馆里，路易斯就会试图把报纸糊在房间的通风口上。 Louis believes there exists a plot to involve him in the making of pornographic films with a woman other than his wife. Seeking aid from his biographer, he said: 路易相信存在一个阴谋，让他和一个女人而不是他的妻子一起拍色情电影。向传记作者寻求帮助时，他说: You got to tell the whole story. She's in on it. What they tried to do was get moving pictures of me in bed with her. She had this chauffeur, and he was helping her. They were with the Mafia; and when I found out they started trying to kill me. That's why they kept pumping that gas in on me. 你得把整个故事都讲出来。她参与了。他们想做的是拍下我和她在床上的动态照片。她有个司机，他在帮她。他们是黑手党的成员;当我发现他们开始想杀我的时候。这就是为什么他们不停地给我加油。 These natural history descriptions of naturally-occurring paranoia by a variety of nonclinical writers add to our knowledge of the observable phenomena. For a deeper understanding of what might underlie the phenomena, we must turn to explanatory theories and models. 这些自然历史的描述自然发生偏执狂由各种非临床作家增加了我们对可观察到的现象的知识。为了更深入地理解这些现象背后的原因，我们必须求助于解释性理论和模型。