Psychoanalytic View of Shame 从精神分析的视角看羞耻 The concept of shame does not have a significant history in psychoanalytic thinking. In the older literature it was generally discussed under the rubric of inferiority feelings. In Alexander's treatment, rather typically the discussion of shame was related to that of guilt, both being regarded as affective states related to superego functioning. Alexander defined guilt as a fearful expectation of deserved suffering for commitment of certain acts which results in inhibiting the discharge of forbidden impulses, usually of a destructive nature. The punishment is deserved because the aggression is unjustified. In contrast, inferiority feelings are based on making of comparisons in which one is regarded as a failure (Alexander, 1938). Alexander pointed out that while guilt was relatively inhibitory of hostile, aggressive impulses, the sense of shame often stimulated an aggressive response. The overcoming of guilt required atonement and repression, while the overcoming of shame required an increase in ambition and competitive behavior. Thus he felt that inferiority feelings stemmed from deeper or earlier conflicts. 羞耻的概念在精神分析思维中没有重要的历史。在较早的文献中，这通常是在自卑情绪的标题下讨论的。在亚历山大的治疗中，关于羞耻的讨论通常与内疚的讨论相关，两者都被认为是与超我功能相关的情感状态。亚历山大把内疚定义为一种可怕的期待，认为因为做了某些行为应受痛苦，从而抑制了被禁止的冲动的释放，这种冲动通常是破坏性的。这种惩罚是应得的，因为这种侵攻击是不正当的。相比之下，自卑感是建立在攀比的基础上的，在攀比中，一个人被认为是失败的(Alexander, 1938)。亚历山大指出，虽然内疚相对抑制了敌对的、攻击的冲动，但羞耻感往往会刺激攻击反应。内疚的克服需要赎罪和压抑，而羞耻的克服需要增加野心和竞争行为。因此，他觉得自卑感源于更深或更早的冲突。 Some years later, Piers and Singer (1953) sought to distinguish between shame and guilt on the basis of their respective relations to the functioning of ego-ideal, while guilt arises out of the tension between ego and superego. Linked with shame was the fear of contempt and rejection, and on a deeper level abandonment (Spiegel,1966). To this was contrasted the fear of castration that was linked to a sense of guilt. 几年后，Piers和Singer(1953)试图根据他们各自与理想自我功能的关系来区分羞耻和内疚，内疚则产生于自我和超我之间的紧张关系。与羞耻联系在一起的是对轻蔑和拒绝的恐惧，以及更深层次的被抛弃(斯皮格尔，1966)。与此形成对比的是与内疚感相关的对阉割的恐惧。 The link between shame and narcissism was established through the ego-ideal, which was the psychic representative of the child's original narcissism. The ego-ideal is constructed out of positive identifications with the parents, and thus contains a core of narcissistic omnipotence. Later identifications, particularly those which are significant in determining social role, are also included in the ego-ideal. Another significant portion concerned certain goals of the ego which relate to the concept of mastery, such that the successful expression of the drive to mastery and its accompanying accomplishment in accordance with the demands of the ego-ideal is a source of significant narcissistic gratification of the ego. Thus guilt is the penalty of transgression; shame is the penalty of failure. 羞耻和自恋之间的联系是通过理想自我建立起来的，理想自我是孩子最初自恋的心理代表。理想自我是建立在与父母的积极认同之上的，因此包含着一个自恋全能的核心。后来的认同，尤其是那些对决定社会角色有重要作用的认同，也包括在理想自我中。另一个重要的部分关系到自我的某些目标，这些目标与掌握这个概念相关，这样，成功地表达掌握的驱力，以及其伴随的符合理想自我的要求的成就，是自我重要的自恋满足的来源。这样，内疚就是犯罪的刑罚;羞耻是失败的惩罚。 The connection with aggression, however, forms one of the more significant aspects of the dynamics of shame. Over a decade ago Eidelberg pointed out the connection between narcissistic mortification, with its components of humiliation and helplessness, and its connection with revenge as a means of undoing what has happened. Aggression is mobilized and the individual seeks to inflict narcissistic mortification on the object (Bing and Marburg,1962). However, as Ross was quick to indicate in the same symposium, the feeling of helplessness related to the narcissistic mortification does not necessarily lead to a need for revenge. He commented that, at least on the levels of neurotic adjustment, the accomplishment associated with a sense of mastery might be sufficient to compensate for the narcissistic mortification. Eidelberg's reply was significant for the present discussion, since he observed that narcissistic mortification is ubiquitous in all neurosis, and that the motivation of revenge was not simply limited to paranoid psychopathology. The argument, of course, which we are proposing in this study, is that the rudiments of shame and its associated narcissistic deprivation or mortification are inherent not only in psychopathology, whether explicitly paranoid or more generally neurotic, but that they are fundamental aspects of all human experience. This important point in our argument has been amply substantiated by Rochlin's recent contribution(1973), but this consideration has more specific application in connection with the dynamics of aggression. 然而，与攻击性的联系构成了羞耻动力学的一个更重要的方面。十多年前，Eidelberg指出了自恋屈辱与它的羞辱和无助成分的联系，以及自恋屈辱与报复之间的联系，报复是一种消除已经发生的事情的手段。攻击性被调动起来，个体试图对客体施加自恋屈辱(Bing和Marburg,1962)。然而，正如罗斯在同一场研讨会上迅速指出的那样，与自恋屈辱相关的无助感并不一定会导致报复的需要。他评论道，至少在神经调节的层面上，与掌握感相关的成就可能足以弥补自恋屈辱。对于目前的讨论，Eidelberg的回答意义重大，因为他观察到自恋屈辱在所有神经症中普遍存在，报复的动机不仅仅局限于偏执的精神病理学。当然，我们在这项研究中提出的论点是，羞耻的雏形以及与之相关的自恋剥夺或屈辱不仅存在于精神病理学中，无论是明显的偏执还是更普遍的神经质，而且它们是所有人类经验的基本方面。我们论点中的这一重要观点已由罗克林最近的贡献(1973年)得到充分的证实，但这种考虑在攻击的动力学方面有更具体的应用。