Altruistic Aggression 利他主义攻击 If we broaden our perspective slightly on the subject of aggression we are immediately confronted with a problem. If aggression in many respects can be regarded as destructive and antisocial, it is also true that in the perspective of history it is also regarded as constructive and entirely social in intention. Wars, crusades, and revolutions are the stuff out of which history is made. Young men even in our own times are taught to kill without compunction and even to relish the pleasure of killing for the sake of defense of their country. War and combat can provide a legitimated outlet for the expression of violent impulses. During periods of great wars and revolutionary upheavals it has often been documented that suicide rates decline. It is as though the release of aggression and violence in support of a national cause provides protection against the self-directed destructive impulses expressed in suicide. Such periods are also periods of increased social cooperation and sense of purposeful interaction, so that motives and behaviors are brought into significant congruence with other individuals. The decline of suicidal impulses is noted not only in those who are engaged in combat, but also in those who are pledged in the service of an altruistic cause, whether serving in the lines or behind them. Similar patterns of group behavior have been noted in connection with dissent, protest, civil wars, revolution, all of which exhibit their portion of violence and cruelty along with dedication and altruistic surrender. 如果我们把我们对攻击问题的看法稍微放宽一点，我们就会立即面临一个问题。如果说攻击在许多方面可以被视为破坏性和反社会的，那么从历史的角度来看，攻击也确实被视为建设性的，完全是社会有意为之的。战争、十字军东征和革命都是历史的素材。即使在我们这个时代，年轻人也被教育要不惜一切代价地杀人，甚至为保卫国家而享受杀人的乐趣。战争和战斗可以为暴力冲动的表达提供一个合法的渠道。在大战和革命动乱时期，经常有文献记载，自杀率下降。仿佛为了支持国家事业而释放的攻击和暴力，为对抗 自杀所表达的自我导向的破坏性冲动 提供了保护。这种时期也是社会合作和目的性 交往意识增强的时期，因此，动机和行为与其他个体有了显著的一致性。自杀冲动的下降，不仅在那些参与战斗的人身上，而且在那些为利他事业服务的人身上，无论是在前线服务还是在后方服务，都会注意到自杀冲动的下降。在异议、抗议、内战、革命中也注意到了类似的群体行为模式，所有这些行为在奉献和利他主义放弃的同时，也表现出了他们的那部分暴力和残酷。 We thus find ourselves confronted with contrasting patterns of aggressive and violent behavior. Frustrated-impulsive aggression tends to be manifested in the phenomena of delinquency and crime and other forms of antisocial activity. But another form of aggression is also expressed in political, ideological, and religious movements and has thrived during wars, revolutions, civil strife, and religious conflict. Even the latter forms of altruistic aggression can express itself in suicidal acts which are deliberately intended. Suicide can be employed to expiate dishonor in certain cultures, or in forms of ritual suicide, or even the dramatic gestures of self-incineration which have been undertaken, particularly on the Vietnam scene, as a form of political protest. Self-flagellation and self-injury have for centuries been associated with certain forms of religious fanaticism. 因此，我们发现自己面临着攻击性和暴力性行为的对比模式。冲动受挫型的攻击行为往往表现为违法和犯罪现象以及其他形式的反社会活动。但另一种形式的攻击性也表现在政治、意识形态和宗教运动中，并在战争、革命、内乱和宗教冲突中蓬勃发展。即使是后一种形式的利他主义攻击，也可以表现为故意的自杀行为。在某些文化中，自杀可以被用来赎罪，或以仪式性的自杀，甚至是自焚的戏剧性姿态，特别是在越南，作为一种政治抗议的形式。几个世纪以来，自焚和自伤与某些形式的宗教狂热主义有关。 The frustrative-impulsive form of aggression is characteristically associated with unstable or psychopathic (antisocial) personalities, and therefore has been regarded clinically as a form of psychopathology. But altruistic forms of aggression are frequently sanctioned by large segments of the community and can be carried out by large groups of people, who are presumably to be judged as normal from a psychiatric point of view. However, it is clear historically that mass movements have often been led by decidedly psychopathic leaders and have raised themselves on the foundation of severe psychopathology. One can hardly think of the Hitler phenomenon in any but pathological terms. In the name of idealized purposes and noble attainments, unspeakable cruelties may be tolerated or passively agreed to by large segments of society. Such tacit approval to the most heinous crimes may even be given by respectable citizens who are regarded as exemplars of domestic virtue and civil responsibility. This is perhaps one of the most painful and repugnant lessons to be learned from recent history. If we judge history by the degree of death and misery, criminal violence must certainly take second place to violence that has been perpetrated in the name of good conscience. As Roth has noted so well: 挫折-冲动形式的攻击行为通常与不稳定或精神变态(反社会)人格有关，因此在临床上被认为是精神病态的一种形式。但利他主义的攻击形式经常得到社会上很大一部分人的认可，可以由一大群人进行，从精神病学的角度来看，大概应该将他们判断为正常人。然而，从历史上看，群众运动往往是由明显的精神变态的领导人领导的，并且是在严重精神变态的基础上发展起来的。我们很难从病态的角度去思考希特勒现象。在理想化的目的和崇高的成就的名义下，社会的大部分人可能会容忍或被动地同意难以言说的残酷行为。这种最令人发指的罪行，甚至可能会得到 被视为家庭美德和公民责任典范的受人尊敬的公民 的默许。这也许是近代史上最痛苦和最令人厌恶的教训之一。如果我们以死亡和痛苦的程度来评判历史，那么刑事暴力肯定要排在第二位，次于以良知的名义实施的暴力。正如罗斯所指出的那样： Crime in the broad sense, and the disorders linked with it, have close affinities with disease and may be regarded as undesired and dispensable manifestations to be gradually eliminated as knowledge grows. On the other hand, altruism in the sense employed, is a uniquely human quality, indispensable for social cooperation, and in some of its achievements are among the noblest works of man. Our problem today is to harness altruistic aggression to non-violent means (1972, p. 1052). 广义上的犯罪以及与之相关的失调，与疾病有着密切的联系，可以视为不受欢迎的、可有可无的表现，随着知识的增长而逐渐消除。另一方面，所采用的意义上的利他主义，是人类特有的品质，是社会合作所不可缺少的，在它的某些成就上，是人类最崇高的作品之一。我们今天的问题是要把利他主义的攻击驾驭在非暴力的手段上（1972年，第1052页）。