General Hypothesis 一般的假说 Our discussion to this point has led us through a consideration of the pathology of paranoid states to an examination of the paranoid process itself. We have seen that not only does the paranoid process function in specific aspects of defense, but that it plays an essential and critical role in the workings of the developmental process itself. In the course of our journey, the appreciation of the more positive and constructive contributions that the mechanisms of the paranoid process make to the building up and sustaining of the human personality and its functions has grown apace. At this point we can move our considerations to a new level. We can shift to an explicit consideration of the more adaptive functions of the paranoid process, particularly emphasizing the role that they play in the broader reaches of human social and cultural experience. 我们讨论到这里，已经把我们从对偏执状态的病理学的考虑引向对偏执过程本身的考察。我们看到，偏执过程不仅在防御的具体方面发挥作用，而且在发展过程本身的运作中也起着不可或缺的关键作用。在我们的历程中，人们对偏执过程的机制对人的人格及其功能的建立和维持所作出的更积极的、更有建设性的贡献的认识也在迅速提高。此时，我们可以把考虑的问题转移到一个新的层面。我们可以转而明确考虑偏执过程的更多适应性功能，特别强调它们在人类社会和文化经验的更广泛范围内发挥的作用。 The general hypothesis that I am proposing here is that when we examine the clinical manifestations of the paranoid process—that is, in their specifically pathological forms which make a presentation at the clinical level—we are seeing what is essentially the tip of the paranoid iceberg. As we have seen clearly in our examination of a substantial spectrum of clinical cases, we can find identifiable paranoid mechanisms operating in a broad spectrum of psychopathologies. Further reflection, however, makes it obvious that the pathologically distorting operation of these same mechanisms is identifiable in broad segments of the population, manifested as we have already discussed in more commonly evidenced clinical states of envy, jealousy, prejudice, etc. Quite obviously large segments of the population are afflicted with such basically paranoid attitudes without ever coming to clinical attention. In fact, our social fabric is such that we entertain a high degree of tolerance of such attitudes without feeling it necessary to regard them or react to them as forms of pathology. 我在这里提出的一般假设是，当我们研究偏执过程的临床表现——也就是在临床层面上做出表现的具体病理形式--我们看到的基本上是偏执的冰山一角。正如我们在对大量临床病例的检查中清楚地看到的那样，我们可以在广泛的精神病理学中找到可识别的偏执机制。然而，进一步的思考就会发现，这些相同机制的病理扭曲操作在广大人群中也是可以识别的，表现为我们已经讨论过的羡慕、嫉妒、偏见等更常见的证据化的临床状态。很明显，很大一部分人被这种基本偏执的态度所困扰，却从未引起临床注意。事实上，我们的社会结构是这样的，我们对这种态度有很高的容忍度，而不觉得有必要将其视为病态或对其作出反应。 However, further reflection on the nature and operation of the paranoid mechanisms yields a further realization. We have found, for example, that these same mechanisms can have a significant role to play in the normal workings of the developmental progression that can lead in the direction of the forming and sustaining of a healthy and productive sense of identity. Thus the paranoid iceberg is definable not merely in terms of realms of identifiable pathology which remains socially acceptable and is generally regarded as nonclinical, but also has relevance to wide areas of not merely socially acceptable, but constructive and adaptive processes that serve to sustain the functioning of human personality on one level, but which on another level make significant contributions to the development and functioning of social processes and institutions. 然而，对偏执机制的性质和运作的进一步思考会产生进一步的认识。例如，我们发现，这些同样的机制可以在发展进程的正常运作中发挥重要作用，可以导致形成和维持健康和富有成效的认同感。因此，偏执冰山不仅可以从可识别的病理(仍为社会所接受，但通常被认为是非临床的)领域来定义，而且还与广泛的领域有关，这些领域不仅是社会所接受的，而且是建设性的和适应性的过程，这些过程在一个层面上有助于维持人的个性的运作，但在另一个层面上对社会进程和机构的发展和运作作出了重大贡献。 Our basic argument, then, is that not only does the paranoid process operate intrapsychically and developmentally as we have already discussed, but that the social organism find ways in which it can exploit the potentialities of the paranoid process in the interest of forming social groupings and institutionalized patternings. Such social structures both serve to sustain the fabric and functioning of society and provide a matrix, within which the individual personalities which constitute the social grouping can find support for maintaining a sense of identity and a responsive and integrative context within which such identities can function in meaningful and productive ways. 那么，我们的基本论点是，偏执过程不仅如我们已经讨论过的那样在心理内和发展上运作，而且社会有机体找到了它可以利用偏执过程的潜力以形成社会群体和制度化模式的方法。这种社会结构既有助于维持社会的组织和运作，又提供了一个环境，在这个环境中，构成社会群体的个体人格可以找到维持身份感的支持，并提供了一个反应灵敏的综合环境，在这个环境中，这种身份可以以有意义和有成效的方式发挥作用。 Quite obviously in proposing such a hypothesis, we are taking leave of the level of clinical analysis with its rooting in clinical experience. The argument becomes enlarged and extrapolated to levels at which the clinical experience has little or no relevance. Consequently, I am acutely aware that the argument being presented here is one that cannot be regarded as supported by the evidence presented, but rather must be regarded as an hypothesis seeking confirmation. The confirmation and the seeking of the supportive evidence is an effort that exceeds the limits of the present study and its immediate intentions. It is a work that will have to wait for another time and another place. 很明显，在提出这种假设时，我们离开了扎根于临床经验的临床分析层面。这个论点被扩大和推断到与临床经验关系不大或没有关系的层面。因此，我清楚地意识到，这里所提出的论点不能被认为是得到所提出的证据支持的论点，而必须被认为是一个寻求证实的假说。证实和寻求支持性证据的努力，超出了本研究报告的局限性及其直接意图。这是一项必须在另一时间和另一地点进行的工作。