Political Paranoia 政治偏执症 The realities of the political order find their expression at multiple levels, extending from the immediate political involvements of the local neighborhood and community, through the broader reaches of city, county and state governments, to the higher levels of national organization, and finally that of international relationships. It should be immediately evident that the study of the operation of the paranoid process at each and all of these many levels introduces a complex patterning of causes, functions, and influences which derive from multiple levels of the social organization. We can only begin here to hint at the complexity and the dimensions of the problem. 政治秩序的现实在多个层面上都有体现，从当地邻里和社区的直接政治参与，到更广泛的市、县和州政府，再到更高级别的国家组织，最后到国际关系。应该很明显的是，研究偏执过程在每一个和所有这些许多层次上的运作，引入了一个复杂的原因、功能和影响的模式，它们来自社会组织的多个层次。我们只能在这里开始提示问题的复杂性和维度。 It is not difficult to discern the operations of paranoid mechanisms in the political order. In fact, the evidence of paranoid influences is too dramatic and too overwhelming. There is a tendency to overlook the adaptive function of such political mechanisms, particularly where they are so transparently open to the distorting influences of pathologically determined paranoid mechanisms. This opens the way, indeed, to an examination of the psychology of political processes—a vast and relatively uncharted area in fact. 不难看出政治秩序中偏执机制的运作。事实上，偏执影响的证据太过惊人，太过压倒性。人们倾向于忽视这种政治机制的适应功能，特别是在这种政治机制如此透明地受到病态决定的偏执机制的扭曲影响的情况下。这确实为考察政治过程的心理学开辟了道路——事实上，这是一个广阔而相对未知的领域。 I am quite aware, nonetheless, that the territory is not entirely virgin, but that some pioneering pathways have been broken into the wilderness by such intrepid thinkers as Lasswell and Hofstadter and many others. As is so often the case, the lessons of history are also lessons that we need to learn again and again. They are the lessons that are taught us in terms of our own personal daily experience; they are also the lessons that we need to learn again and again in the endless variety and repetition of their motifs and patternings from the multiple contexts of our clinical experience. We can only come to terms with the pathological distortions and fixations which inhere in clinical psychopathology, when we are able to see our way through to the constructive and adaptive potential of such seemingly pathological distortions. A similar truth obtains, it seems to me, in the larger issues and grander scale of the political order. We cannot find our way through the thicket of hateful divisiveness and often destructive counterbalancing of forces until we can also see through to the adaptive and sustaining functions served by these same political processes. 不过，我非常清楚，这片领土并非完全是处女地，但拉斯韦尔、霍夫斯塔德等无畏的思想家和其他许多人已经在这片荒野上开辟了一些开拓性的道路。就像很多时候一样，历史的教训也是我们需要反复学习的教训。它们是在我们个体的日常经验方面教给我们的教训；它们也是我们需要从我们临床经验的多种情境的 图案和模式的无尽的多样性和重复性中 反复学习的教训。只有当我们能够看清这种看似病态的扭曲的建设性和适应性的潜力时，我们才能接受临床精神病理学中存在的病态扭曲和固着。在我看来，在政治秩序的更大问题和更大范围内，也获得了类似的真理。除非我们也能看清这些政治进程所发挥的适应性和维持性功能，否则，我们就无法穿过仇恨的分裂和往往是破坏性的平衡力量的丛林。